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- Volume 21, Issue 2, 2020
Language and Linguistics - Volume 21, Issue 2, 2020
Volume 21, Issue 2, 2020
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Uvulars and uvularization in Tangut phonology
Author(s): Xun Gongpp.: 175–212 (38)More LessAbstractTangut, a mediaeval Qiangic language (Sino-Tibetan family) distinguishes three grades (děng等). The traditional Sofronov-Gong reconstruction of this distinction postulates different degrees of medial yod: Grade I {-Ø-}, Grade II {-i-}, Grade III {-j-}. The yods, however, are not supported by the transcriptional evidence. Based on cognates between Tangut and Rgyalrongic languages, this study proposes the uvularization hypothesis: Tangut syllables have contrastive uvularization. Grade I/II syllables are uvularized, while Grade III syllables are plain. For phonological velars, uvularized syllables trigger a uvular allophone, while plain syllables trigger a velar allophone. Tangut uvularization is an instance of a common typological feature in Qiangic languages, that of Guttural Secondary Vocalic Articulations (GSVA), variously termed uvularization, velarization, tenseness, or Retracted Tongue Root (RTR). Recognizing Tangut grades as a case of Qiangic GSVA has far-ranging potential consequences for Sino-Tibetan comparative linguistics.
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A revisit to the [Num-Cl-Modifier-de-N]/ [Modifier-de-Num-Cl‑N] variation in Mandarin Chinese
Author(s): Jing Jinpp.: 213–253 (41)More LessAbstractThis paper investigates the licensing condition of the [Num(eral)-Cl(assifier)-Mod(ifier)-de-N(oun)] / [Mod-de-Num-Cl‑N] variation in Mandarin Chinese. It is observed that this variation represents a complex interface phenomenon in the nominal domain, which is subject to the semantic condition concerning the i(ndividual)-level/s(tage)-level nature of the modifier contained on the one hand, and the discourse-related condition concerning contrastive topic (ct) on the other. Based on this, at the syntax-semantics interface level, this paper proposes a division of the syntactic domain of adnominal modification to account for the discrepancy between i‑level and s‑level modifiers in terms of their capability in forming [Mod-de-Num-Cl‑N] in the neutral context. In the meanwhile, at the syntax-discourse interface level, in light of the interface-induced analysis pursued by Neeleman & Van de Koot (2008) and Horvath (2010), it is claimed that the word order of [Mod-de-Num-Cl‑N] could be adopted as a linguistic device to encode ct within the nominal domain in Mandarin Chinese, in which case the ordering of [Mod-de-Num-Cl‑N] is licensed for the purpose of establishing a transparent mapping between syntactic configuration and information structure.
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A comparative study of how and why in Taiwan Southern Min and Mandarin Chinese
Author(s): Seng-Hian Lau and Wei-Tien Dylan Tsaipp.: 254–284 (31)More LessAbstractFrom looking into the same and different properties of how and why between Taiwan Southern Min and Mandarin Chinese, this paper aims to explain the post-verbal how construction with negative speaker attitude. Based on our observations and findings of the specific usages of sī and leh, we propose an analysis for the construction in question. According to our analysis, this construction is not a simple product of a single element, but a composition of sī and leh, which together generate the negative speaker attitude, and the verb with a post-verbal how, which produce a causal how reading.
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Synchronic and diachronic phonology of Lavïa
Author(s): Jackson T.-S. Sunpp.: 285–330 (46)More LessAbstractLavïa, spoken in a belt across both sides of the Yunnan-Myanmar border, is an under-researched Wa language falling under the Waic subgroup of Palaungic in the Austroasiatic language family. This study investigates the sound system of Lavïa and traces its development from an ancestral Proto-Wa-Lawa phonological system. Modern Lavïa phonology is characterized by well-preserved sesquisyllablic structure, rich inventories of consonant and vocalic clusters, and lack of phonemic tone or phonation. Diachronically, Lavïa shows widely attested Waic sound changes as well as certain distinctive innovations which, among other things, yielded voiceless nasals and caused huge upheavals in its vocalic system. These diagnostic innovations help define Lavïa’s unique position within the Wa language cluster.
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The interaction between tone and prosodic focus in Mandarin Chinese
Author(s): Ting Wang, Jun Liu, Yong-hun Lee and Yong-cheol Leepp.: 331–350 (20)More LessAbstractThis study characterized focused tones in Mandarin Chinese through a production experiment using phone number strings. The results revealed that, although phonation cues had little effect on any focused tone, prosodic cues exhibited various patterns of distribution. Duration played an important role for each focused tone, but intensity had a relatively less salient role. Among pitch-related parameters, the raising of pitch register was an important cue when a level tone (tone 1) was focused. By contrast, due to the interaction between tone and intonation, absolute slope and pitch range had less effect on tone 1 focus. These cues, however, were prominent when contour tones (tones 2 and 4) were in focus. Unlike other focused tones that raised pitch, tone 3 focus exhibited the opposite pattern, lowering its pitch target. In the aggregation of all focused tones, it was found that only primarily pitch-related parameters were selected as the main variables discriminating one from another. The results of this study, therefore, suggest that the prosodic marking of focus is not uniform, even within a single language, but clearly differs by tone type. Accordingly, prosodic marking of focus should be considered multimodal in a tonal language.
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Light verb ellipsis constructions in Korean
Author(s): Changguk Yimpp.: 351–374 (24)More LessAbstractDrawing on the fact that the light verb ha- ‘do’ in Korean may or may not be elided in negative sentences, I offer a syntactic analysis for the light verb ellipsis in which the various types of light verbs belong to distinct heads, such as v, Appl, and Voice. Hierarchically, they occupy different syntactic positions. Thus, the light verb ellipsis ascribes itself to a syntactic hierarchy. The ellipsis behavior of various types of the light verb distinguishes them in a way that implicates structure, not other factors, such as semantics. The syntactic analysis put forth here constitutes substantive evidence supporting the configurational theory of argument structures in which different theta roles can be mapped into various syntactic positions.
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