Language and Linguistics - Volume 25, Issue 2, 2024

This is a typological study of the why-interrogative expressions in Tibeto-Burman languages, or the non-Chinese Sino-Tibetan languages, in Sichuan, southwest China. After examining 22 languages/dialects, the interrogative category of reason is grouped into three types, viz. the distinct why-type, the how-type, and the what-type, according to the interrogative categories from which they are derived. It is discovered that the what-type is the dominant strategy for languages in Sichuan to derive the reason category. It is also common for Tibeto-Burman languages to use verbal interrogatives, namely interrogative verb phrases and interrogative words with verbal origins, dominantly in the sense of ‘to do what’ and ‘to become what’, to ask for reason. After a focused investigation of the verbal interrogatives, it is found that Tibeto-Burman languages in Sichuan distinguish purpose from cause via word/phrase distinction, sentential positions and semantic differences. A path of grammaticalization of the verbal interrogatives is thus proposed and analyzed. Finally, the derivation maps of interrogatives in Cysouw (2005) and Hölzl (2018) are complemented with a refined distinction between purpose and cause.

This paper investigates future interpretations in Mandarin declarative root clauses without overt future modals, i.e., Mandarin futurates. Mandarin futurates require future time adverbs and schedulable eventualities, which denote future readings relative to the utterance time or a context-determined past time. Moreover, Mandarin futurates presuppose the existence of a plan in the context and are incompatible with a single perfective aspect marker le1. To account for these facts, I argue that a covert future modal m-plan is present in futurates and extend the formal analysis for English simple futurates to Mandarin with necessary modifications.

This paper investigates the sortal classifier system in Zauzou, a Tibeto-Burman language spoken in Southwest China. Three etymological subclasses – repeater, non-repeater, and quasi-repeaters – are identified in two morphosyntactic contexts: the bare classifier phrase [n+clf] and the full noun phrase [n+mod+clf], serving as an “individualizer” that transforms unindividualized nominal concepts into referential individuals. The three types of classifiers classify nouns on the basis of different semantic parameters that differ in terms of semantic contrastiveness. Animacy, shape, size, rigidity and quanta are non-contrastive semantic parameters commonly found among non-repeaters. Repeaters and quasi-repeaters categorize nouns primarily on the basis of semantically contrastive taxonomy, meronomy, or arrangement. With respect to the function of quantification, repeaters, quasi-repeaters, and non-repeaters are identical in [n+mod+clf] but diverge in [n+clf]. They do not uniformly render the singular interpretation with all kinds of referents in [n+clf]. Non-repeaters are more grammaticalized classifiers than (quasi-)repeaters. The Zauzou data provide evidence for the development from repeaters to non-repeaters, on a par with the commonly recognized grammaticalization path from nouns to classifiers, which is conditioned by two types of “parameter shift”. This study offers a descriptive model that effectively captures the relationship between semantic-functional properties of sortal classifiers and their historical development in “repeater” languages.

The exclusive expression weiyi ‘sole/only’ in Mandarin can appear preverbally in a relative clause (e.g., wo weiyi xihuan de shu ‘the sole book I like’) but not in other types of clauses (e.g., *Wo weiyi xihuan shu, intended: ‘I only like books’). This paper first justifies the claim that weiyi may not only function as an adjectival modifier but also appear preverbally inside a relative clause, and then demonstrates how weiyi is related to definiteness and takes scope out of a relative clause. It is proposed that preverbal weiyi is part of a DP which undergoes overt A’-movement in the process of relativization. The syntactic structure and semantic composition of a matching analysis are offered to show how a uniform account can be given across adjectival and relative weiyi. A major implication of this paper is that Mandarin does not possess a relative pronoun but allows a DP-internal focus expression to mark syntactic movement in relativization. A comparison between relative constructions involving weiyi and English all-clefts is also discussed.